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By Dan Hough (auth.)

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The question now is no longer really one of applying sets of more or less technocratic solutions, it is how does one develop nuanced sets of possible remedies that ‘fit’ with local circumstances? The problems inherent in the practical implementation of notions of ‘good governance’ have not, however, put off those attempting to 36 Corruption, Anti-Corruption and Governance quantify governance more generally. You do not have to be a supporter of the ‘good governance’ agenda to believe that creating approximate indicators, if carefully and skilfully constructed, of governance quality should be possible.

Rule of Law – This captures perceptions of the extent to which agents have confidence in, and abide by, the rules that govern society. In particular, this dimension looks at the quality of contract enforcement, property rights, the police, and the courts, as well as the likelihood of being affected by either crime and/or violence. 6. Control of Corruption – The final dimension captures perceptions of the extent to which public power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as ‘capture’ of the state by elites and private interests.

Firstly, as with all governance indicators (indeed all such indicators across all fields), there have been criticisms of the way that the scores in the indicators are calculated. Serious though these issues are, such debates can often descend into arguments about the minutiae of model creation. It is easy, in other words, to pick holes in most such approaches if one is that way inclined. In terms of the WGI, the debate tends either to centre round discrepancies between what the indicators purport to measure and what they actually do measure (assuming that they do indeed measure something), as well as problems that are inherent in correlating data from different sources.

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