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By Alfred Stepan, Juan J. Linz, Yogendra Yadav

Political knowledge holds that the political limitations of a country unavoidably coincide with a nation's perceived cultural obstacles. this present day, the sociocultural range of many polities renders this knowing out of date. This quantity presents the framework for the state-nation, a brand new paradigm that addresses the necessity inside of democratic countries to deal with exact ethnic and cultural teams inside a rustic whereas conserving nationwide political coherence.

First brought in short in 1996 through Alfred Stepan and Juan J. Linz, the state-nation is a rustic with major multicultural—even multinational—components that engenders robust identity and loyalty from its electorate. the following, Indian political student Yogendra Yadav joins Stepan and Linz to stipulate and boost the idea that extra. The middle of the publication files how state-nation guidelines have helped craft a number of yet complementary identities in India unlike geographical region rules in Sri Lanka, which contributed to polarized and warring identities. The authors help their argument with the result of the various greatest and most unusual surveys ever designed and hired for comparative political study. They contain a bankruptcy discussing why the U.S. constitutional version, usually obvious because the most well-liked template for all of the world’s federations, may were relatively irrelevant for crafting democracy in politically powerful multinational nations equivalent to India or Spain. To extend the repertoire of the way even unitary states can reply to territorially centred minorities with a few secessionist wishes, the authors advance a revised thought of federacy and convey how this type of formulation helped craft the hot peace contract in Aceh, Indonesia.

Empirically thorough and conceptually transparent, Crafting State-Nations can have a considerable impression at the examine of comparative political associations and the perception and figuring out of nationalism and democracy.

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Nevertheless, none of these states can be classified as purely ethno-federal either, since in these states recognition of the legitimate public and political expression of active ‘‘national’’ sociocultural cleavages is balanced by constitutionally sanctioned respect for common symbols, institutions, and individual rights, thus facilitating the maintenance and nurturing of multiple but complementary, as opposed to singular and conflictual, identities. ’’14 However, we would like to note that such devolution of ‘‘all decision-making powers’’ goes beyond the Dahlian definition of federalism as consisting of ‘‘multiple jurisdictions’’ and ‘‘shared sovereignty,’’ so that, even when we bracket the important issue of democracy, to describe the Yugoslav state from the mid-1980s onward as ‘‘federal,’’ rather than ‘‘confederal,’’ as some do, would be completely inconsistent with Dahl’s, and our own, definition of federalism or even with our definition of asymmetrical federalism.

The first is a context of near absence or low intensity of politically activated and territorially concentrated sociocultural diversities. If, for example, only one significant, territorially concentrated, politically activated sociocultural identity exists, democratic nation-state crafting is possible. State structures can be unitary (for example, France and Japan in the nineteenth century) or symmetrically federal (Australia in the early twentieth century and the German Federal Republic after World War II).

We expect a diverse polity, if it has become a state-nation, to have the following four empirically verifiable patterns. First, despite multiple cultural identities among the citizens of the polity, there will be at the same time a high degree of positive identification with the state and pride in being citizens of that state. Second, citizens of the state will have multiple but complementary political identities and loyalties. Third, there will be a high degree of institutional trust in the most important constitutional, legal, and administrative components of the state.

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